Friday, April 24, 2020

Ragtime and Sonata Forms, Part 6: Adorno on Types of Listener, popular music as mood altering drug

6.     Adorno on Types of Listeners, Popular Music as mood altering drug

We just saw in the last chapter that Adorno made reference to the “emotional listener”, the kind of person who listens to music as if it were a mood altering or mood stabilizing drug.  The emotional listener could be seen as a kind of contrast to the structural listener, someone who could discern musical qualities and also hear the structural processes in large-scale musical works.  The emotional listener was not at the lowest level in Adorno’s taxonomy of listening types but he had few kind words for the type:


INTRODUCTION TO THE SOCIOLOGY OF MUSIC
Theodore W. Adorno
The Seabury Press, Inc.
originally published 1962
English translation 1976
ISBN 0-8164-92662-2

pages 8-9

Next in line would be another type, one defined not by the relation to the specific quality of what is heard, but by its own mentality, grown independent of the object. This is the emotional listener. His relation to music is less rigid and indirect than the culture consumer's, but in another respect it is even farther removed from perception: to him, the relation becomes crucial for triggering instinctual stirrings otherwise tamed or repressed by norms of civilization. Often music becomes a source of irrationality, whereby a man inexorably harnessed to the bustle of rationalistic self-preservation will be enabled to keep having feelings at all. Often he has virtually nothing to do any more with the form of what he has heard: its preponderant function is that of such a trigger. The listening process follows the theorem of specific sense energies: a sensation of light results from a punch in the eye. Yet this type may indeed respond with particular strength to music of an obvious emotional hue, like Tchaikovsky's. He is easily moved to tears, and his links with the culture consumer are continuous; the latter's arsenal too is rarely without an appeal to the emotional values of genuine music.

In Germany-perhaps under the spell of the cultural respect for music-the emotional listener seems less characteristic than in Anglo-Saxon countries, where the stricter pressures of civilization necessitate evasions into uncontrollably introverted realms of feeling; in technologically backward countries, notably in the Slavonic ones, it is also likely to retain a role. The contemporary output tolerated and mass-produced in the Soviet Union is tailor-made for this type; in any event its musical ego ideal is patterned after the cliché of the violently oscillating, now ebullient, now melancholy Slav. As in music, the type is probably naive, or ostensibly naive, at least in his overall habitus. The immediacy of his reactions tallies with an occasional stubborn blindness to the thing he is reacting to. He does not want to know anything and is, therefore easily influenced from the outset. The musical culture industry can plan for him-in Germany and Austria with the synthetic folk song species, for example, from about the early nineteen-thirties on.

In case anyone was wondering whether Adorno thought there was any possibly good pop music in his time, this is another passage from Introduction to the Sociology of Music:

page 225
...
The lower sphere obeys the predominant circumstances of production. A critical sociology of music will have to find out in detail why today-unlike a hundred years ago-popular music is bad, bound to be bad, without exception. To be discussed in this context is the question raised by Erwin Ratz: how music can be mean. Meanness too is a fait social, incompatible with the immanent claim of any musically animated sound. Entertainment music no longer does anything but confirm, repeat, and reinforce the psychological debasement ultimately wrought in people by the way society is set up. The masses are swamped with that music, and in it they unwittingly enjoy the depth of their debasement. The proximity in which popular music besets them violates human dignity along with esthetic distance. It would be up to empirical research to develop methods subtle enough to track down such enjoyments and to describe their course.

To invoke Adorno in any discussion of popular music in positive terms might be akin to invoke Karl Marx on the virtues of capitalism.  That Adorno treated what he called the culture industry as monolithic has been dealt with by other writers, so I don’t need to spend much time on that issue.  There have been attempts to explain Adorno’s taxonomy of listeners in terms of modes of musical cognition.  There is something interesting to that as the sociology of music goes but my larger case is that Adorno merits a thorough rebuttal at the level of music, and at the level at which he made his arguments against popular music, and that ragtime, ultimately, is the most useful style through which to make such a rebuttal. 
One of the ironies of the early twenty-first century may be that Adorno’s arguments against the possibility of popular song rising to the levels of European concert musical art have been best preserved by an anti-Marxist philosopher who was concerned with conservative politics and the aesthetics of music, the late Roger Scruton

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