Saturday, April 04, 2020

Foundation Church, formerly Mars Hill Everett, has closed down and has merged with Reach Church in Everett, WA

Thanks to a comment, Wenatchee The Hatchet has been notified that the former Mars Hill Everett, which became Foundation Church in the wake of the Mars Hill closure of late 2014 through 2015, closed its doors at the start of March 2020.

https://www.heraldnet.com/news/mars-hill-everett-becomes-foundation-church/

Ryan Williams had shifted from Foundation to North Church in 2014

https://www.linkedin.com/in/ryan-williams-05029667


http://foundationchurch.org/#welcome-section

FOUNDATION CHURCH HAS OFFICIALLY CLOSED IT’S DOORS AS OF MARCH 1, 2020.

It has been our hope to bring the whole Gospel to Everett, Snohomish County, and to the ends of the earth. We’re grateful for the years of serving God’s kingdom, and our prayer is that all who we’ve served will continue to trust and be satisfied in Christ alone.
Both our facility and remaining church body will be grafting into the family at Reach Church in Everett, WA. Click the link below to be directed to their website.


if you want to get some background on the real estate of Foundation Church, aka the former Mars Hill Everett plug in parcel # 00439162701300 into the Snohomish County Assessor's Property Summary search tool on properties.

Dale Cockrell on the habit of middle and upper class whites to impute their own racism to the working class while advocating for a German Idealist informed bourgeois transcendentalist approach to music, excerpts from his books Demons of Disorder and Everybody's Doing' It

https://www.artsjournal.com/uq/2019/08/a-vital-new-book-about-music-and-race.html
...
That this world of sex, dance and music was interracial is crucial to Mr. Cockrell’s book “Everybody’s Doin’ It: Sex, Music, and Dance in New York, 1840-1917.” It makes the connection to his scholarly specialty and passion: American popular music and its black vernacular roots. In an earlier, essential study, “Demons of Disorder: Early Blackface Minstrels and Their World” (1997), he brilliantly elaborates an unpopular truth—that, early on, blackface music-making was not necessarily racist. Rather, it could be about class: a means of empowering the little guy in a world of capitalist snobs and prudes. And Mr. Cockrell, accordingly, is an eloquent advocate for the most gifted, most popular pertinent composer: Stephen Foster, in whose songs of loneliness and hardship (though sung in exaggerated black make-up by white performers) he finds an empathetic voice arising from Foster’s own marginality. 
In “Everybody’s Doin’ It,” this theme returns newly embroidered and contextualized. Assessing the white minstrel singer whose signature blackface song was “Zip Coon,” Mr. Cockrell calls George Washington Dixon (1802-61) “surely one of the most complex, enigmatic, and colorful figures in American history.” He continues: “There is no question that the skeleton around which [the blackface minstrel show] was built was the denigration of black people. . . . And—too often forgotten—there is no question that its enormous, century-long appeal was because of the music and dance that gave it flesh. That music and dance . . . was an expression of urban, lower-class, dance-hall and brothel culture. To the throngs on the stage of the Bowery Theatre, ‘Jim Crow’ belonged to them. Who would have thought that lower-class music and dance deserved a place on the legitimate stage? . . . ‘Zip Coon’ belonged to them as well. The song was of them, and once Dixon sang their song . . . their point was made: our music; we made it; we belong here.” 
...

It would have been nice had Horowitz quoted more of Cockrell's work but so it goes.  Between Douglas Shadle's research in Orchestrating the Nation on the tacit or explicit suppression of bids at creating an American symphonic tradition and Dale Cockrell's books on the emergence of American vernacular styles from the still troubling idioms of minstrelsy and blackface throughout the American street theater traditions that became a foundation for vaudeville and other forms of lowbrow arts, there's a larger case to be made that is part of the more recent battles in music history, historiography and in musicology over just how beholden American conceptions of music education and culture need to be to the cumulative legacies of German Idealism and the Romantic era canons of western Europe.


DEMONS OF DISORDER: EARLY BLACKFACE MINSTRELS AND THEIR WORLD
Dale Cockrell
Cambridge University Press
Copyright (c) Cambridge University Press 1997
ISBN 0-521-56074 2 hardback
ISBN 0-521-56828 5 paperback

page 85

... Any reading of the daily newspapers of New York, Boston, or Philadelphia, especially the "Police Court" column, will reveal a common world in which blacks and whites lived by, worked with, drank among, fought with (to be sure and not to be understated), and loved each other.  Miscegnation was deeply distressing to middle and elite classes in part because it was so common among the lower. In Massachusetts in the 1830s the only legal distinciton between blacks and whites was that they could not marry with each other; yet apparently many did so, for the court reports are filled with mixed-race couples being brought into the halls of justice for the "unnatural" sin of amalgamation (the period's term for miscegnation). Of course the reporter, an agent of the paper's clientele, was always incredulous that a white man or a white woman could ever be attracted to someone of the other race.  

To read between the lines is to discover a world in which comradeship and love often had no eyes for color of skin, a world in which white women shrieked out in emotional pain because the courts condemned their black husbands to penitentiary for breaking the amalgamation laws.  

page 142

The powerful have a formulaic response to the ear culture of the weak: Dismisss it all as noise first, then associate it with antisocial behavior. 

pages 148-149

... Those working-class audiences of the 1830s who believed that theatre was participatory, as it had been to their ancestors for centuries  and centuries, were replaced in the 1840s by audiences who believed theater was better purchased than produced, as it had been by those in the first tier for a century. Management enforced a new code of behavior, one that led to the theatre becoming much quieter, more and more a private space  for reflection, in effect a temple of culture whose sacralization was complete by late century.  ... 

page 169
... It was to the advantage of the white middle class to scapegoat white, common Americans by painting them the racists, in the bargain cleansing their own respectably reformed consciences and driving a wedge in the real and reasonable alliance between white and black common Jacksonians. The means was simple: Reason would have it that laughing with the blackface must mean laughing at the black. Tragically, the flanking powers of reason and media convinced even working-class folk. By the last third of the [nineteenth] century blackface minstrelsy had become what the Virginia Minstrels had forecast: a weapon by which one group of Americans defined, marginalized and contained another--racism, sexism, money, power and (capital M) Music.  

For those who have not read either of Cockrell's books the sharp edge of his polemic is that middle and upper class whites, particularly those who regarded themselves as civilized, read their own racism and racist dispositions on to street theater, and that as minstrelsy became more mainstream and moved from the level of street theater and underground or folk activity the stereotypologies that were used to satirize "respectable" culture by way of black stereotypes shifted from satirizing the well-heeled through broadbrush send-up into satirizing blacks.  Cockrell's assertion is not necessarily going to convince everyone and this will partly be because mounting a qualified defense of minstrelsy as it evolved in the Jacksonian era is going to do nothing to explain to or for people the blackface tropes that permeated Hollywood a century later.  

At the same time, Cockrell's books, in their way, recount the battle between what Raymond Knapp described in his book on Haydn (reviewed over here) as a contest between advocates of German Idealism for American arts and the work of musicians and entertainers in the minstrelsy, light opera, and musical theater scenes.  Over the last century and a half a consensus has developed among scholars, historians and journalists that Americans in the nineteenth century pined for transcendent music while the musical styles that were actually taking America by storm were emerging from the brothels and saloons and red-light districts.  It is this point that Dale Cockrell makes with unusual clarity: 

Everybody’s Doin’ It: Sex, Music, and Dance in in New York 1840-1917
Dale Cockrell
copyright (c) 2019 by Dale Cockrell
W. W. Norton & COmpany
LCCN 2019000965
ISBN 9780393608946
ISBN 9780393608953 (ebook)

pages 60-61

The development of dance-hall and concert-saloon culture came about during a time in which many elite New Yorkers were asking probing questions about the nature of their nation's music. One such was Wall Street lawyer George Templeton Strong, a passionate amateur musician who for some years served as president of the New York Philharmonic Society. A prolific diarist, Strong left accounts of his day-to-day activities and musings that filled 2,250 pages at his death in 1875.  Many of his notations reflected his obsession with music. An entry for December 6, 186, serves as an example:

Mozart's "Jupiter" Symphony [is] perfectly and transcendently beautiful. No music is beautiful in equal degree with his. Sublimity belongs to Handel. The power of Beethoven is in part due to the presence of an uncanny kind of intensity and power--a mighty spirit seeking rest and finding none. Haydn owes much to the goodness and healthiness and geniality embodied in his best works.

Strong's words idealizing European composers implied his agreement with a sentiment expressed by Putnam's Monthly Magazine in 1854: "Among civilized nations there is, probably, none so little musical as the American." Strong and Putnam's were not alone. A whole school of thought found nothing of transcendent beauty in any American music and set out on a project to sacralize the classical music experience through performances of European masterpieces. 

There was, however, some resistance to this approach.  Composer and critic William Henry Fry called for a "Declaration of Independence in Art" and issued a challenge to the American musician:

[He] should not allow the name of Beethoven, or Handel or Mozart to prove an eternal bugbear to him, nor should he pay them reverence; he should only reverence his Art, and strike out manfully and independently into untrodden realms, just as his nature and inspirations my invite him.

Strong and others in the "Transcendence School" surely never set foot in Harry Hill's, or brought a supply of stamps to John Allen's place (Fry probably did not either.)  They left it rather to Asmodeans like Crapsey, Smith, Dyer, and others of the "Expose School of Reportage" to peel back the roofs of Water Street dance halls and flash concert saloons and tell about the music they heard there.  To these Asmodeans, as it would surely also have been with Strong and those of his class, the sounds made in these places were manifestly not transcendently beautiful; they were, rather--in some of their own words--out of tune, wheezing, hideous, wild, cracked, thumping, execrable, wailing, wiry, low, squalling, jangling, murdering, savage, and lunatic. Yet there were three hundred or so concert saloons in New York City, and without daily music by the house band each concert saloon would have been just a saloon.  There were at least seventy-four dance halls like John Allen's in the city, and without a dance band every night each dance hall would have just been a drinking spot.

New York's musical elite were looking in the wrong places for America's music. In the nether reaches of the city a new music was being made by hundreds and hundreds of professional New York musicians, each highly trained in their own way, each striking out "manfully and independently into untrodden realms," just as Fry had charged them.  It was music that was being enjoyed and loved by tens of thousands of New Yorkers--overwrought, often hysterical protestations by elite Asmodeans aside. It was down in the lower wards and along the Bowery and the waterfront where a wide diversity of lower-class Americans--black, white, the newly immigrant--were making and sharing inspired music.  There the transcendently pertinent question--Where is America's music?--was being answered.  

As I've noted earlier, this kind of argument (or, if you will, a counter-myth that does battle against another myth, the mythology of post-German Idealist art-as-religion) coheres with a parallel case Raymond Knapp has made regarding camp and German Idealism in his monograph on Haydn.

Making Light: Haydn, musical camp, and the long shadow of German idealism
Raymond Knapp
Copyright (c) 2018 by Duke University Press
ISBN 9780822372400 (ebook)
ISBN 9780822369356 (hardcover)
ISBN 9780822369509 (paperback)

xii-xiii
...
1. US American popular music grew up primarily in theatrical contexts, including minstrelsy, variety, and operetta, all of which largely opposed the strictures of an emergent “classical music” culture that was based in German Idealism. 

2. These origins and their significance for the emergence of popular music in the twentieth century have not been joined well by popular-music scholarship; indeed, advocacy for twentieth-century popular music seems most often based on rationales borrowed from the very musical culture its forebears had rebelled against.


3. Camp—a hallmark of popular musical theater—has been particularly ill served by popular music’s advocates. While this may be due in part to camp’s association with gay subcultures, it probably stems more fundamentally from camp’s fascination with the artificial, the contrived, and the theatrical—preoccupations anathematic to the cult of authenticity that has taken over popular music studies.


4. Camp itself has not been properly understood within historical contexts, perhaps because of a widespread insistence on understanding it as essentially gay, even though that association took hold relatively late and has been steadily eroded since Susan Sontag’s “Notes on Camp” in 1964.

pages 217-218
German Idealism’s new paradigms for Music privileged musical experiences that involved quasi-ritualistic practices of contemplation, often communal and ceremonial but in any case accompanied by attitudes of reverence (e.g., concerts in established venues such as municipal concert halls). Music thus became experientially similar to religion, most specifically like Protestant Christianity. Like religion, it imposed a purifying conformity and seriousness at the same time that it promised access to an otherwise inaccessible and mystical realm. (127)  Moreover, music conceived in these terms became a political instrument, often associated not only with aspirational cultural values but also with establishing mainstream respectability as the basis for broad communality and, often, nationalist projects in which the relevant “people” are unified by a shared history and culture. Such is not an environment that might be happily embraced by marginalized groups, be they (specifically) working class, racially or ethnically “other,” or homosexual. There was thus quite a lot at stake for such groups, both in undermining this top-down way of organizing who belonged and who didn’t, and in furthering through theatrical representation and performance a more participatory basis for community, giving literal voice to the particularities of difference—even if often disparagingly and, in the case of minstrelsy with regard to blacks, also patently disenfranchising.

There have been Americans who have, for almost two centuries now, been eager to shake off the shackles of only ever assessing American music in terms of values imported from Europe and imposed upon would-be contributions to the concert-music traditions to find them wanting.  It's not altogether surprising that the American composers, the United States composers to be more accurate, who began to make music that became part of some kind of United States canon began to explicitly and emphatically reject the rules of the game when the game was named as German Idealism. 

But there's an ambivalence and ambiguity to the American popular and vernacular styles having emerged from the brothels and red light districts and the underground sex industries that Dale Cockrell doesn't necessarily account for that we can see addressed more directly by Scott Joplin when he made his bids at opera and the long-since lost piano concerto--Joplin was concerned that though the music itself was vital and full of possibilities, ragtime and the popular sounds of his era had songs full of what he regarded as ghastly and demeaning stereotypes. 

Joplin's sense of conscience about the vulgarity and brutality of American vernacular music was more than shared by those who kept him, at an institutional level, from having opportunities white contemporaries had.  A century after the emergence of ragtime there would be debates about the musical and literary merits of rap and hip hop that would parallel debates about ragtime, though with perhaps the signal difference being that ragtime may have been one of the later styles to evolve within what Richard Taruskin has described as the western European literate musical traditions.  We know from the work of writers like Cockrell and Edward Berlin and others that the notes on the page don't convey what ragtime sounds like but ragtime as a popular style nonetheless emerged within the context of the printed page before the commercial mechanically recorded music industry as we know it took shape.  Be all that as it may, Joplin's criticism of the vulgarity of coon songs and ragtime in his day does not necessarily oblige us to presume that some variation of Romantic era and post-Romantic German Idealism, some variation of the Matthew Arnold and Richard Wagner art-religion is the only possible alternative.

Even though I love the music of Haydn I don't feel obliged to regard Haydn in Romantic terms either in the positive sense of defining him in terms of a Romantic conception of genius, or in the negative sense of viewing Haydn as the less-than-Mozart or the less-than-Beethoven because he was willing to write music to order for aristocrats.  As orthodox as it is to assume in music history and musicology that Mozart wrote better music than Haydn and that Beethoven wrote better music than Haydn I just don't hear it that way.  I like some of Beethoven's later works a great deal but overall regard Haydn as the more enjoyable composer.  I admit to having both an avant garde sympathy streak and also a populist streak.  I like to listen to Xenakis and Messiaen and microtonalist composers  but I don't feel much obligation to write like them.  I admired a variety of works by Penderecki without feeling a big impulse to emulate his earlier style.  I was drawn, far more, to Haydn, and what I have found as I have studied Haydn's work and life and considered what music historians and scholars have had to say about his work is that, for my time and interests, Haydn and not Beethoven nor Mozart, is the composer whose work has something to offer this twenty-first century guitarist composer--for that matter I have even enjoyed works by Clementi and Hummel more than works by Mozart and that, I have discovered, can inspire genuinely shocked reactions from musicians ... but that is probably the topic of some other post. 

I also think that if we guitarists steep ourselves in the early Bohemian and Austrian and Italian guitarist composers of the early 19th century (i.e. don't "cancel" it, a la Doug Shadle) that a panorama of possibilities for developing fusions of American vernacular styles with 18th century approaches to musical forms open up but that, too, is really best saved for some other writing project. 

Friday, April 03, 2020

Atanas Ourkouzounov: Suite in modo bulgarico

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8UjEXYkr8q4

I love the tone clusters in natural harmonics the show up early in the first movement!

Being a fan of fugues in general I like this 9/8 fugue that is movement 2 in particular.

There's a score to read along with the whole performance, which I encourage you to check out. 

over at The Hollywood Reporter a feature on how an investigation into charity fraud blew the lid off of other conduct on the part of one Harvey Weinstein

https://www.hollywoodreporter.com/news/how-harvey-weinsteins-charity-fraud-led-his-downfall-1286557

Zach Finkelstein's not-sugar-coated take on the future of performing arts, considering how in the time of a pandemic it can be easy for the professional arts press to focus on the professional arts

https://www.middleclassartist.com/post/opinion-the-road-ahead-what-will-the-us-arts-economy-look-like-in-a-post-covid-world

thumbnail sketch, expect to go at least 18 months without any paying gigs; expect the traditional fall-back industries musicians  work in for side gigs or more stable primary income to evaporate, specifically food service, hospitality industries and teaching spots.

Of some note is the following proposal, the bold in the original:

...
The tragic irony of this crisis is that, in the post-COVID era, the person most likely to have a performance career will be the one that can last the longest without performing. If the drought does indeed last 18 months or longer, only the most privileged singers, those with deep reserves of cash or those who already have a dual career or those from advantaged socioeconomic backgrounds, will have a chance at a post-COVID performing career.
...

Conversely, all the amateurs who keep on being amateurs may not be effected in many observable ways precisely because they aren't in it for paychecks that cover living expenses.  Call it a carry-over from being that rarity in the current West of actually liking a moderate chunk of the music of Paul Hindemith but I am reminded lately that it was Hindemith (and others, like Sousa) who made a case that the real lifeblood of musical life in a culture came down to the amateurs more than the professionals.  Thinkpieces about the future of the arts in light of the virus are generally thinkpieces about the future of professional arts and not the future of the amateur scenes.

Thus ... unsurprisingly ... The New Yorker had a piece on the future of performing artists primarily about the professionals, or the would-be professionals or the by-now-former professionals:

https://www.newyorker.com/news/our-local-correspondents/performing-artists-and-the-financial-fallout-of-the-coronavirus

...
New York’s performing-arts scene has taken hits before—after 9/11, during the recession that began in 2007, after Hurricane Sandy—but its elimination for an indefinite period of time is unprecedented. On March 11th and 12th, Governor Andrew Cuomo, of New York, forbade all gatherings of more than five hundred people, and Broadway and Off Broadway theatres were shut down. The cancellation of theatrical runs, musical tours, comedy shows, club nights, film screenings, book launches, and political fund-raisers quickly followed. The night of Monday, March 16th, when bars and restaurants were officially closed, the calendar had been wiped clean. I have seen small clusters of friends lose their jobs in the past, but last week, when dozens of friends and acquaintances saw their livelihoods evaporate in a matter of twenty-four hours, was different. Requests appeared online: if you could afford to eat the cost of your ticket, consider it a donation to the theatre. If you couldn’t go see the musician live, buy her album on Bandcamp. Night clubs started Venmo accounts for their bartenders and bouncers. Independent bookstores, where readings had been cancelled, offered discounted shipping to people who bought new releases. The world seemed to bifurcate into people who still had jobs (for now) and those who didn’t, with the former anxiously looking for ways to cover for the latter, who were now scrambling for new sources of income, any income. On my social-media feeds, one musician I know offered virtual cello lessons; another offered virtual reiki consultations. People who produce sound events advertised their services mastering music. People put their musical equipment up for sale. As in most cities, the arts scene in New York is inextricably linked to the service and event-production industries, and the loss of creative livelihoods has been compounded by the closures of bars, restaurants, and coffee shops, and the cancellations of weddings, conferences, and other large events. Day jobs and night jobs disappeared at the same time.
...
I do keep track of how my favorite professional musicians and composers are doing. I'm excited about the recordings of works by Nikita Koshkin and Atanas Ourkouzounov that came out in December 2019 on Naxos.  Hilary Hahn, fortuitously, chose to take a sabbatical year away from concert life and musical life to spend time with her family and has managed to not have any tours going during a period in which touring life has been gutted.  But I am also, per the general theme of this post, considering how there is a lot of cultural life that will continue that continues in ways that are not exactly monetized, or not monetized in ways that the institutional arts press covers. 

I'm reminded of Matanya Ophee's observation that most of the famous guitarist-composers of the classical guitar canon were professional soldiers, whether out in combat or handling administrative duties in some sinecure capacity.  If in the nineteenth century the pianist was stereotypically at concert in salons and large halls the guitarist could have a more literally peripatetic existence going where ever the soldier needed to go.  Not all of them, obviously.  Matiegka, for instance, worked in law and education.  If there's something I realize in hindsight that never came with a music education program it was conceding the reality of how few of the composers and musicians who made music history in the West didn't actually have day jobs in music or, if they had day jobs that involved music it was nevertheless a subset of their other day-to-day professional or vocational activities. 

Given the general nosedive in local and regional arts reporting in the last twenty to thirty years it can be easy to not realize how much activity there is in a cultural scene.  For that matter, as I managed to chronicle in extravagant detail, there was a lot going on connected to the former Mars Hill Church that wasn't covered so much by the mainstream or even independent press in connection to controversies and staff turnover that hinted at unrest regarding the leadership tendencies of the Mars Hill top tier.  In a vaguely similar way, there can be a lot going on in a local arts scene that, thanks to reductions in local arts coverage, a person can only know about by staying somehow involved in the local arts scene.

Of course ... that's been ravaged by the recent pandemic and lockdown situations.  Recent word is Gov. Inslee is extended the stay home/stay healthy policies through to at least May 4. 

You can't even really have much of an amateur music scene "in real life" under those kinds of circumstances, can you?  Online many things may have to stay. 

John Gray at The New Statesman "liberal capitalism is bust"; and "At its core, the British state has always been Hobbesian."

Presented, for the time being (and possibly the future), without much by way of comment.
https://www.newstatesman.com/america/2020/04/why-crisis-turning-point-history
...
In the view of the future to which progressive thinkers cling, the future is an embellished version of the recent past. No doubt this helps them preserve some semblance of sanity. It also undermines what is now our most vital attribute: the ability to adapt and fashion different ways of life. The task ahead is to build economies and societies that are more durable, and more humanly habitable, than those that were exposed to the anarchy of the global market.

does not mean a shift to small-scale localism. Human numbers are too large for local self-sufficiency to be viable, and most of humankind is not willing to return to the small, closed communities of a more distant past. But the hyperglobalisation of the last few decades is not coming back either. The virus has exposed fatal weaknesses in the economic system that was patched up after the 2008 financial crisis. Liberal capitalism is bust. 

With all its talk of freedom and choice, liberalism was in practice the experiment of dissolving traditional sources of social cohesion and political legitimacy and replacing them with the promise of rising material living standards. This experiment has now run its course. Suppressing the virus necessitates an economic shutdown that can only be temporary, but when the economy restarts, it will be in a world where governments act to curb the global market.


...

What the virus is telling us is not only that progress is reversible – a fact even progressives seem to have grasped­ – but that it can be self-undermining. To take the most obvious example, globalisation produced some major benefits – millions have been lifted out of poverty. This achievement is now under threat. Globalisation begat the de-globalisation that is now under way. 

As the prospect of ever-rising living standards fades, other sources of authority and legitimacy are re-emerging. Liberal or socialist, the progressive mind detests national identity with passionate intensity. There is plenty in history to show how it can be misused. But the nation state is increasingly the most powerful force driving large-scale action. Dealing with the virus requires a collective effort that will not be mobilised for the sake of universal humanity. 

Altruism has limits just as much as growth. There will be examples of extraordinary selflessness before the worst of the crisis is over. In Britain an over half-million strong volunteer army has signed up to assist the NHS. But it would be unwise to rely on human sympathy alone to get us through. Kindness to strangers is so precious that it must be rationed. 

This is where the protective state comes in. At its core, the British state has always been Hobbesian. Peace and strong government have been the overriding priorities. At the same time this Hobbesian state has mostly rested on consent, particularly in times of national emergency. Being shielded from danger has trumped freedom from interference by government. 


...

a piece at The Critic on Encounter, the CIA and Cold War era patronage, and maybe a bit of nostalgia --some further thoughts on radical critique, conservativism, and aesthetics in the realm of "pop" vs "art"

By way of Bryan Townsend's recent Friday miscellanea:

https://thecritic.co.ukissues/april-2020/journal-de-combat-of-the-cold-war/

...
The history of Encounter raises interesting questions about how magazines of this kind should be funded as well as to whether a totalitarian adversary can be defeated by purely transparent means. Private patronage has nearly always been a vital source of support for the artist, the writer, the social critic and composer, as well as that of the modern-day review of culture and politics which by its nature is never likely to make money. Its record over the centuries suggest that it is a far more discriminating patron than the state. The problem with private patrons is they can prove fickle, go broke, or die — which exposes all those who seek long-term funding to obvious risks.
Many of Lasky’s critics claimed that his fault was not that he took CIA funding but that he did not tell contributors and colleagues about its source. Yet had he done so many would not have written for it for fear of damage to their reputations. It is surely to Lasky’s credit that he cared more about the outcome of the contest to which he had devoted his life than the impact of unfounded allegations about his independence.
As events subsequently showed, private funding on a scale sufficient to achieve Lasky’s ambitious aims could not be relied upon over time. He concluded that the stakes were sufficiently high to justify concealment. It’s surely about time that the beneficiaries of the West’s defeat of communism — which is all of us — should acknowledge both the dilemma in which he found himself and the measure of his success.
One of the points Richard Taruskin continually came back to in the last volume of his Oxford History of Western Music was how understanding musical and cultural changes throughout the West in the second half of the twentieth century was explicable in light of the geopolitical conditions of the Cold War.  With the Cold War as a backdrop constantly in mind a figure like Elliot Carter could make sense in terms of a man whose work was financed as part of a larger ideological battle between a Western conception of "freedom" and a Soviet conception of "responsibility" but that these were, if you will, the ideological and political agendas most often trotted out by the patronage systems of the time and place.  Taruskin pointed out that paradoxically not very ironic irony of the ways in which both the composers in the Soviet bloc and the composers in the Western bloc felt hamstrung by obligations to commit to the agendas of socialist realism in the Soviet East and some form of integral serialism or aleatory in the democratic West.  As Frances Stonor Saunders and others have put it in booklength projects, the extent to which the high modernist arts scenes turn out to have been bankrolled by organizations secretly funded by the C.I.A. retroactively gives us some cause to doubt about just how popular or populist high modernists arts ever were. 

Taruskin has been making a point of arguing that the ideals of aesthetic autonomy championed by intellectuals and artists in the academic scene in the West were not really autonomous ideals at all, they were part and parcel of the ideological and political battles of the Cold War.  To, so to speak, more fully bare the teeth of his arguments, with the end of the Cold War the kinds of academic avant garde modernisms that represented the "antidote" to the perceived stifling conformities of socialist realist paradigms in the arts were, very quickly, revealed to be what Taruskin has described as the work of artists who turned out to not really have a public, i.e. audiences beyond the academic niches in which figures such as Carter could be likened to a hothouse plant. 



Unsurprisingly, a link to an earlier article you can find with the above-quoted piece leads to another article on how there are "few heirs to spare" for conservatives in philosophy since the passing of Roger Scruton.

https://thecritic.co.uk/few-heirs-to-spare/

...

Practice and theory stand in intimate relation but not equally so. Practice comes first and circumscribes theory. Theory cannot replace practice and should not seek to stand over it. There are different references in his work to what purpose theory serves but perhaps the most significant in this context is that it is pedagogical. It provides a way of entering into practices that can be communicated with varying degrees of complexity and sophistication. Finally, that tradition, distinct from traditionalism, is a form of communication that holds these in their proper relation in the continuing of a community through its customs, practices and common behaviours.
Thus for Oakeshott conservatism as a disposition is a way of attending to an activity that recognises his wider account of human and social rationality. Additionally, conservatism is not against abstract ideas as such but it is against the prioritising of abstract ideas over practice in human rationality. His reasoning for this is clear: if theory is given a predatory relation to practice we both suffer the loss knowledge and the damage done by the application of abstract ideas. As he writes in ‘The New Bentham’, after the rationalist has their way the world of knowledge ‘somewhat resembles a September orchard after a plague of wasps’.
What of the world of politics in particular? Whilst the conduct of politics may not be pre-eminent in respect of this disposition it is at least one of great significance – politics is a concern for us all in some way or other. One may have a conservative disposition in respect of politics if in nothing else. As Oakeshott writes in ‘On being conservative’:
“It is not at all inconsistent to be conservative in respect of government and radical in respect of almost every other activity. And, in my opinion, there is more to be learnt about this disposition from Montaigne, Pascal, Hobbes and Hume than from Burke or Bentham”
Oakeshott does not intend ‘disposition’ to be understood as something equivalent to someone’s personality. It is a disposition that can be the result of thinking, deliberating and arguing. It should not escape our notice that Oakeshott is doing philosophy in writing on politics and in a way that can shape our political conduct. But it should also be noticed it often comes in the form of the critique of rationalist and ideological modes of thinking. It is reactionary. Not in the sense of restoring the status quo ante, but in seeking to exterminate the plague of wasps in the political orchard.
This focus on criticism is not to stay that conservatism cannot have principles of its own in politics or anything else. Oakeshott himself accepts as much in the opening paragraph of On being conservative even if he prefers to speak of his positive account in terms of disposition. Much of Scruton’s writing was an attempt to do this.
Returning to the causes of conservatism’s philosophical ills above, the mistake is to consider it as a disposition and against abstract ideas in a fairly blunt way. When we return to Oakeshott as one of the sources of these characterisations we find a much richer, more nuanced account than many conservatives have told themselves.
Yet whether these are actually the, or even a, cause of conservatism’s philosophical ills is an entirely different issue. More importantly, so too is whether conservatism’s ills are connected to having few philosophers. It’s certainly true that the left has more. Which has had for them all the consequences, or none, that that success brings with it.
One of the topics I've been thinking about with conservatives and philosophy and particularly the arts is whether or not conservatives have altogether considered what it is they are really trying to conserve and why.  It is maybe too easy for those on the left to say that conservatives are trying to preserve a legacy that amounts to patriarchal white supremacy.  The problem with such an assertion is that progressive eugenicists a century ago had no problem enforcing sterilization on Latina and Native American women and "imbeciles" to prevent future generations of their children.  We live in an era in which white progressives/liberals and conservatives/reactionaries have made cottage industries or, rather, large industries of scapegoating each other in the present for the the ultimately shared legacies of a range of establishments having a cumulatively racist past. 

What has been interesting to consider about Roger Scruton in particular is how he set himself against Theodor Adorno while, often enough, making use of Adorno's argumenst about and against popular songs as "serious art".  I've written about how I regard the legacies of both philosophers on aesthetics and music to be intertwined alreadyWhat is interesting to consider about the late Roger Scruton is that in his later work, particularly Understanding Music, he came around to advocating that the revitalization of tonality in classical music might have to pass through the process of taking popular song seriously, particularly taking popular songs more seriously than Adorno did.

In the previously quoted passage about how practice precedes and circumscribes theory as understood by conservatives, we may see the later Scruton reveal this aspect of philosophy on the part of a conservative.  When the time came to decide whether to repudiate popular song as a practice on the basis of an aesthetic theory Roger Scruton balked at insisting that there was no art to popular song because he admired the American songbook. Adorno, famously, inveighed against the American songbook and mounted a theoretical attack on popular song as art and on the possibility of the culture industry providing any of the preconditions necessary for serious art. 

So, yes, perhaps philosophers have abounded more on the contemporary conceptions the left has about the left than the right yet this can be a mixed bag, to put the point colloquially.  Philosophers and scholars of Adorno have spent at least half a century attempting to extricate Adorno's most vitriolic condemnations of American popular song in general and jazz in particular from a belief in the overall viability of his criticisms of capitalism, the culture industry and other aspects of technocratic societies. 

That in the end Scruton began to consider that what "we" collectively needed was a way to eliminate the distance between popular song traditions and concert music traditions, and also by implication what Richard Taruskin has described as the chasm between the academic canons and the repertoire canons in music (the distance between the concerts people pay money to go hear and the musical canons music historians and theorists and musicologists regard as "necessary" for vetting students' musical education and credentialing), suggests that Scruton was a conservative philosopher on aesthetics after all and that, for his various flaws (we're all human, after all) his turn toward endorsing some kind of bridge between pop songs and concert music suggests he ended up being a consistent conservative in the sense of recognizing that practice comes before theories defending practices.
That can seem like a defense of injustices and systemic evils to many a leftist but in the case of popular songs being taken seriously as musical art and craft I doubt that even anyone who identifies as left could sustain that polemic for long, except maybe for legendary examples such as Adorno. 


Wednesday, April 01, 2020

a sample of an incubating project, Elaine Sisman on how later 18th century composition manuals advised students start with the minuet (hint, a dance form) before going on to variation technique/form and finally sonatas


I've been reading Richard Taruskin's new book and am really enjoying it (even when I think he makes sloppy arguments and probably misrepresents the views and statements of some folks like Charles Rosen and George Steiner along the way, even though I kinda basically agree with Taruskin's crusade against aesthetic autonomy as it's evolved in post-Wagnerian art-religion).  

In his chapter on Haydn, Richard Taruskin mentions the work of one Elaine Sisman.  I suspect I know which Sisman of which Taruskin writes.  I have been intending to include the following material in part of a large project I've been incubating called Ragtime and Sonata Forms but I'm posting it now because one of my soapbox issues is that I think that it's one thing to lament the pernicous influence of Romantic and post-Romantic art-religion in the West and the often seemingly closed canon of that Western art-religion; it's another thing to cast about for potential alternative approaches that don't just cast off the old Romantic highbrow art religion but look back to see if earlier periods of musical theory and practice open up possibilities for some kind of meeting of the minds between "art" and "pop". 

What I'm finding as I read is that whether it's Bruce Haynes on "early music" between the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries in The End of Early Music (a telos joke in that title, ha ha, but, seriously, the Kindle edition is gloriously cheap compared to the usual academic monograph price) and The Pathetick Musician; or Angela Mariani's Improvisation and Inventio in the Performance of Medieval Music: A Practical Approach (yet another Oxford University Press book that's really affordable in its Kindle format right now) there's been a scholarly consensus taking shape, it seems, that before Romantic era aesthetic autonomy and the "art religion" Richard Taruskin has inveighed against became the "norm" in Western music education, the boundaries between high and low were, if expected in certain contexts, could prove permeable in others.  

If as some suggest (Cornelius Cardew springs to mind) music history is supposed to be useful to us who are actually alive here and now, then in the here and now observing that pre-Romantic musical styles even in the West had borrowings and reworkings should give us some encouragement.  More specifically, as a guitarist who has studied a fair amount of ragtime on the one hand and early 19th century guitar sonatas on the other, the distance from a Giuliani sonata theme and a ragtime strain is a remarkably short distance indeed!  But it may help us to consult writings from and writings about the eighteenth century to get a sense for what may be possible by not so much "canceling the 19th century" as remembering that other centuries exist and that the baggage of the post-Beethoven symphony may be just that, and that we can learn plenty from the eighteenth century galant era precisely because it was, as Robert O Gjerdingen has put it in his books, musicians knowingly manipulated riffs and hooks that were recognizable to musicians and audiences alike.  When we can map out how "Let it Be" sounds like a romanesca followed by a Prinner that might tell us that the boundaries between eighteenth century galant and American pop don't have to be very firm at all. 

So ... let me finally get to Elaine Sisman because she wrote a fine monograph on Haydn and variation form and technique that I want to mention.

In her monograph Haydn and the Classical Variation, Elaine R Sisman opened with observations about how variation technique and variation as a form fell into disrepute in the nineteenth century.  Virtuoso ornamental variation came to be seen as trivial for a variety of reasons Sisman enumerated in the first few pages of her book: 1) eighteenth century variations were seen as borrowing a theme and keeping that theme more or less in full view; 2) variation form at the time consisted of a sequence of repeated episodic ornamental variations that were seen as trivial according to the ideologies of organicism and character, contrapuntal or transformational variation; 3) the sheer number of virtuoso variation forms produced between 1790 and 1840 led to a glut that, here in 2020 might be likened to a musical equivalent of too many shallow, obvious superhero movies.

Sisman’s summary is literally on pages 1 and 2 of her book, which is a fantastic account of Haydn’s handling of variation technique and variation form.  I believe that a future for ragtime can be found in studying Haydn rather than attempting to find the dance genre wanting in light of Romantic era aesthetics and ideologies.  This is not “just” because I personally admire and enjoy the works of Haydn more than Beethoven but also because I believe that the formal, aesthetic and even technical challenges Haydn dealt with in his time are more germane to the potential fusion of ragtime as a style with the formal possibilities of sonata forms.

Something Sisman observed later in her book was that to understand eighteenth century approaches to variation as form and technique we have to understand how it was situated in the theoretical and practical literature on music composition in that era.

HAYDN AND THE CLASSICAL VARIATION
Elaine R Sisman
Harvard University Press
Copyright © 1993 by the President and Fellows of Harvard College
ISBN 0-674-38315-X
Page 79

Variation form, often counted as part of the basic equipment of a composer, occupied a particular place in the spectrum of classical musical structures. Composition manuals of the later eighteenth century enable us to locate it rather precisely in a hierarchy ranging from simple dances to complicated sonata forms, by stressing the fundamental similarities among musical forms rather than their more obvious external differences. These manuals focused first on details of the melodic and harmonic construction of phrases and then on their combination and organization. That small musical segments could be expanded into larger segments linked the formal designs of small pieces, such as minuets, to large pieces, such as symphony Allegros. Indeed, Riepel and Koch both considered the minuet to be the model for larger compositions. As Riepel explained at the outset of his first chapter, “a Minuet, according to its realization … is no different from a concerto, an aria, or a symphony … thus, we wish to begin therewith, [with the] very small and trifling, simply in order to obtain out of it something bigger and more praiseworthy.” And Koch, after enumerating and analyzing three types of small pieces, concludes that “these forms are, together, models in miniature of the larger compositions.”

In her footnotes Sisman adds a comment, “1. The theorists’ predilection for minuets and other dance pieces has often been noted.” Mentioning other theorists besides Joseph Riepel and Heinrich Koch, who were quoted in the passage quoted above. On page 80 Sisman pointed out that starting with smaller and larger musical structures, beginning with the minuet, was how Thomas Atwood studied with Mozart.

Many years ago a music instructor I had in college said “Never underestimate the obvious.” The obvious, in this case, is observing that a minuet is a dance form, full of phrases that simultaneously have strong cadence patterns that allow for both closure and potentially infinite recursion.  You “can” stop the dance anywhere, theoretically, but it also has to be able to, theoretically, go on for as long as people want to keep dancing.  If in eighteenth century compositional pedagogy as described for us by Elaine Sisman it was held that before you could write a good symphony you had to master variations and before you could master variations you had to master the minuet, a potential application for, say, composers in the United States, for instance, could be that before you could master the form of a symphony you might have to master variations and before you could master variations  you might have to master ragtime. 

We’ve seen how the self-identified cultured musicians steeped in German Idealist thought and traditions regarded ragtime as the bottom of the musical barrel, but if we take our cue not from nineteenth century compositional pedagogy but eighteenth century compositional pedagogy we might find that starting with the dance music of the day, or at least a day, isn’t a bad place to start. 

We have had a century since the death of Scott Joplin to explore the ways in which ragtime can be handled not as popular music but as concert music, as “classical music”, as “serious” music but even a connoisseur of ragtime might struggle to keep up with the range of formal and structural experiments that have been introduced into the style since the 1970s ragtime revival.

If Sisman has shown that later eighteenth century pedagogy started music students of composition with the dance before getting to the more complex technique and form of variation, let alone the sonata forms, that seems like something we'd want to consider for potential future paths of composition instruction.  Maybe expecting students to jump into learning how to write by writing a sonata is a bit much without first walking them through how to write simple recursive dance forms with phrases that firmly conclude but which are composed in such a way as to loop back on themselves ad infinitum, too.  Adorno remarked in Philosophy of New Music that two forms of music cognition had fractured, the "argument" and the "rhythmic-spatial" (which I prefer to described as sonata "argument" and the "groove" of dance music).  Adorno just assumed the fracture could not be repaired and that's where I differ with Adorno.  What if that breach Adorno asserted existed between the "argument" of a sonata form or a fugue could be bridged so that the "groove" of dance styles could be re-accomplished as, implicitly and explicitly, Adorno believed had been maintained within the eighteenth century?  

That, in sample, is what I'm mulling over in the work in progress that I'm calling Ragtime and Sonata Forms.  I am not attempting to claim everyone should be playing ragtime (though I guess I wouldn't mind if ragtime retained a special place in American music because I love the style).  What I'm formulating an argument for is that as the quintessential dance music and popular song style of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, the way to prove Adorno was wrong would be to prove him wrong by writing ragtime sonatas.  If you can do that then, in principle, you could write a sonata using R&B licks from guitar and bass parts or keyboard parts.  The possibility to write a fugue whose subject owes more to "Mustang Sally" than anything in the Well-Tempered Clavier (not that I don't love J. S. Bach, mind you) becomes more than just a possibility. 

Taking up some of Taruskin's polemics I would say that if the art-religion of the post-Beethoven Romantic era can't conceive of a way a perspective steeped in the less "lofty" but more pragmatic stance of a Haydn potentially can.  To me the path toward a fusion of American popular styles and the forms of eighteenth century art music lay in embracing the structures and gestural processes of Haydn with the harmonic and melodic vocabularies of Duke Ellington, Thelonious Monk and Stevie Wonder, to pick just three of my personal favorites from the jazz and pop music soundscape of the United States. 

a postscript to the earlier post on Taruskin's Cursed Questions post and his objection to Rosen and Steiner on aesthetic autonomy: Rosen did grant that popular highbrow music existed in the works of Haydn, and Steiner argued that the old print literacy had been supplanted by musical literacy which academics have not caught on to or caught up with

One of the ironies of Richard Taruskin's objections to the rarified and elitist defenses of aesthetic autonomy he finds in the work of Charles Rosen is that it was Charles Rosen who went so far as to declare that there was a brief historical moment in the history of Western music in which there was music in the Western concert music traditions as we now hear academics call them that was simultaneously thoroughly learned in compositional techniques while also steeped in the popular styles and sounds of the day.

The following passage is found in a review that was published at Mere Orthodoxy of John Borstlap's book The Classical Revolution:


Charles Rosen, in his landmark work The Classical Style (ISBN 0-393-31712-9 PBK), pointed out that by the 1790s Haydn had developed and refined a style that was both deliberately popular and reflected the utmost learning in established academic styles (The Classical Style, page 329). Rosen went so far as to say that both Haydn and Mozart developed popular styles that sacrificed none of the disciplines or pretensions of high art (page 332). Rosen continued his point on the same page by writing:

Only for one brief historical period in the operas of Mozart, the late symphonies of Haydn, and some of the Schubert songs, has the utmost sophistication and complexity of musical technique existed alongside—or better, fused with—the virtues of the street song.

That's by way of quoting Rosen on how Haydn (and Mozart and Schubert) developed a learned style (i.e. all that technique we see reams of books discussing in music history and music theory courses).  Here's the passages from George Steiner on the emergence of musical literacy that "kids today" have of a sort that they wouldn't have had back in the eighteenth or even nineteenth centuries before commercial and mechanical recordings made such a musical literacy possible:

In Bluebird's Castle: Notes Toward the Redefinition of Culture
George Steiner
Yale University Press
September 10, 1974
154 pages, 5 x 8
ISBN: 9780300017106


pages 115-116
But are there no other literacies conceivable, "literacies" not of the letter?

This is being written in a study in a college of one of the great American universities. The walls are throbbing gently to the beat of music corning from one near and several more distant amplifiers. The walls quiver to the ear or to the touch roughly eighteen hours per day, sometimes twenty-four. The beat is literally unending. It matters little whether it is that of pop, folk, or rock. What counts is the all-pervasive pulsation, morning to night and into night, made indiscriminate by the cool burn of electronic timbre. A large segment of mankind, between the ages of thirteen and, say, twenty-five, now lives immersed in this constant throb. The hammering of rock or of pop creates an enveloping space. Activities such as reading, writing, private communication, learning, previously framed with silence, now take place in a field of strident vibrato. This means that the essentially linguistic nature of these pursuits is adulterated; they are vestigial modes of the old "logic."

page 117
...

Yet we are unquestionably dealing with a literacy, with codes of recognition so widespread and dynamic that they constitute a "metaculture." Popular music(s) have their semantics, their theory of genres, their intricate play-offs of esoteric against canonic types. Folk and pop, "trad music" and rock, count their several histories and corpus of legend. They show their relics. They number their old masters and rebels, their betrayers and high priests. Precisely as in classical literacy, so there are in the world of jazz or of rock 'n' roll degrees of initiation ranging from the vague empathies of the tyro (Latin on sundials) to the acid erudition of the scholiast. At the same time there is an age factor which makes the culture of pop more like modern mathematics and physics than the humanities. ...

page 121
... The lapse from ceremony and ritual in much of public and private behavior has left a vacuum. At the same time, there is a thirst for magical and "transrational" forms. The capacity of organized religion to satisfy this thirst diminishes. Matthew Arnold foretold that the "facts" of religion would be replaced by its poetry. Today, one feels that in many educated, but imperfectly coherent lives, that "poetry of religious emotion" is being provided by music.

I've fielded misreadings or potential misrepresentations of what Steiner was actually saying and writing, as distinct from what has been said about his work, before.  If Steiner had only stuck to the chauvinistic highbrow elitism of defending the aesthetic autonomy of the arts that Taruskin sees in his work, fair enough, blast away; but having read the Steiner book Taruskin mentions and singles out for criticism, it's not actually clear to me that Steiner's primary point was what Taruskin claimed it was.  Of course Taruskin was commenting about a chauvinism that he perceived in Steiner's work that can be entirely beside the point of Steiner's actual thesis but even on that point, Taruskin may have simply missed or ignored that Steiner ended In Bluebird's Castle with the observations I quoted just above.
The loss of older forms of literacy and artistic sensibility do not mean the cognitive bandwidth potentials of scholars and the general public in the last fifty years haven't shifted into new forms of cultural participation, consumption and production. 

Is it weird and gross that, if Taruskin has read Steiner accurately, Steiner invokes white guilt over imperialism and colonialism in general and anxiety of the high arts not preventing the Holocaust in particular as a paradoxical sign of the justified dominance of Western culture across the world?  Sure, Yet by way of contrast, how much do we wish to gamble in geopolitical terms that a resurgent Russia or an expansionist China will feel some kind of corresponding progressive wing sense of guilt over their expansionist aims?  The West has dominated the geopolitics of the world for long enough to feel guilt about it, guilt that is real but which may not be felt collectively or cumulatively by the power blocks that array themselves against the Atlanticist status quo. 

When Steiner observed that the Western medical and technological practices that have prolonged lives and improved lives the world over paradoxically threatened (and he was saying this in the 1970s) to push the earth toward a tipping point past which the ecological stability of the globe might be less and less able to support life on the planet because of the luxuries and benefits Westerners take for granted it doesn't seem that Steiner comes off as the short-sighted one compared to Taruskin in global conservationist issues while Taruskin singled ou Steiner for opprobrium on a defense of some kind of aesthetic autonomy.  As bad as variants of Western orientalism have often been in terms of racial and ethnic paternalism it's interesting to me, as a music listener and a fan of animation, how Western assimilation of stylistic elements from Asia cultures and Native American cultures has happened over centuries and that, like it or not, synergistic exchanges have been going on.  We can't really discuss the history of anime without a nod to Mickey Mouse or how anime retained the convention of the saucer-sized eyes that Japanese animators picked up from Disney long after Disney began to abandon that aesthetic.  One of the ironies of American condescension toward the big anime eyes is that they frequently don't know or care that anime got those giant eyes from us, the Americans.  Nevertheless this post is supposed to be a postscript and not a digression into the history of animation in the United States and Japan. 

It was Charles Rosen, after all, who wrote long ago that there are composers like Schoenberg, yes, but there have also been composers like Gershwin and Offenbach who wrote simple, pretty music and that both "low" and "high" composers have their places in music history and that it was, by implication, rare for us to hear and see a Haydn who had popular appeal and advanced composing techniques.  As a fan of Haydn who am I to disagree?  I don't!  But Taruskin has been so busy doing battle against the legacies of Romanticism he doesn't seem to have come up for air long enough to notice that even Rosen granted that Haydn had the best of both worlds, the learned techniques and popular appeal.  Steiner was the one who managed to notice the kinds of musical literacy available to new generations of youngsters (to Steiner, anyway) had formidable and multiple forms of musical literacy that constituted a kind of metaculture. 

Where Taruskin puts his cards on the table and has, I think, a stronger position, is when he declares that on something like censorship, the reason why something is being done has to be considered in assessing the act itself.  In a time such as ours, to give an example as a Seattle resident, self-isolation that might be anti-social in one context is pro-social in another.  Even Taruskin can grant that at the time the concept of aesthetic autonomy was formulated in the later eighteenth century as the aristocracy was leaving musicians and composers somewhat behind it made sense for artists to take up philosophical arguments and stances in which the artist-poet-genius-prophet-priest role had a place in the emerging middle-class market.  As the ideologies of such aesthetic autonomy began to migrate from composers pitching their wares freelance through to a post-Wagnerian and then Cold War academic scene in which serialists and post-Boulez composers relied on the largesse of academic tenure and foundation funding to create music that only that insular coterie listened to what was once a liberating movement for many an artist became a secret handshake that benefited those well-heeled enough to be a new aristocracy that hid behind ideologies of meritocracy.

So, sure, that's really not that hard to get and I managed to articulate that historical/cultural commentary on the evolution of aesthetic autonomy in post-Romantic terms without having seen Taruskin, even, put it that bluntly.

But Taruskin has not taken what seems to me, as a Haydn fan, to be a "next step" in light of Charles Rosen's observation.  Even Adorno, for that matter, could grant that in the eighteenth century it was possible for music to be simultaneously popular and successful as "art". 

I have all kinds of intellectual and ethical objections to Theodor Adorno's scabrous put-downs of popular music and I don't share Adorno's Marxist-Leninist perspective but as I hope I can discuss at some other point in another context, as bad as Adorno's take on jazz was what he did accomplish was formulate arguments against popular songs in the American song machine paradigm that were based on aesthetic arguments.  Were those arguments stained with elitism, chauvinism and ethnic bigotry against, for instance, Slavs?  Yes, absolutely, but there's a sense in which bids at aesthetic autonomy can be double-edged swords. 

What Adorno managed to accomplish was to formulate arguments against American popular styles on the basis of aesthetics and matters of gestural processes of development and expansion and matters of form and it is at these levels that composers and theorists can formulate a rebuttal because what Adorno didn't do, ultimately, was leave his arguments just at the condescending chauvinist racism and sexism that others in his era also did.  Adorno had those vices, too, but he came up with arguments at an aesthetic level that can be given a rebuttal.  He framed the deficiencies of pop music in terms of questions of aesthetics that can, now, be given answers. 

Taruskin's rebuttals to Rosen and Steiner and Adorno are rebuttals at the level of thinking "about" music rather than, as Taruskin hoped he could encourage people to do, thinking in music.  Like Adorno before him Taruskin may be better at articulating the nature and trouble of a problem than formulating a convincing "answer", all the less likely from Taruskin since he seems dubious that any "answer" to questions is one we should trust.  That's easy for an academic to say but for people who want to actually make music, at some point, a question like "can this be done?" tends to need a "yes" or "no" answer. 

I'm loving the new Taruskin book, by the way, but I find I like reading Taruskin in a way not too dissimilar from the way I like reading Adorno.  They're more useful in what they write even when they're wrong than many other authors are writing what seems indisputably right. 

Monday, March 30, 2020

Richard Taruskin's new book Cursed Questions is out and in it he offers an explanation of what it means that Kendrick Lamar has won the Pulitzer after generations of the award going to composers with nearly no public notice ... and looking at his polemic against Adorno while including some comments about Haydn

Cursed Questions: On Music and its Social Practices
Richard Taruskin
(c) 2020 by Richard Taruskin
University of California Press
LCCN 2019032946 (print)
LCCN 2019032947 (ebook)
ISBN 978052034428 (cloth)
ISBN 9780520344297 (paperback)
ISBN 9780520975453 (ebook)

I've just started into Taruskin's newest book in the last few days but Bryan Townsend has gotten to the chapter titled "Is There a Baby in the Bathwater?" and has mentioned the following passage.

Ethan Hein, this one's for you if you keep tabs on the blog because this is where Richard Taruskin goes so far as to say that Lamar's win of the Pulitzer probably amounts to the first time anyone in music was awarded a Pulitzer that actually had a public that cared about the outcome (since we all know that Ellington didn't get the Pulitzer while he was alive).  So here's the majority of the Townsend post with Taruskin quotes indented and I highlight the passages that stick out to me in red (i.e, Ethan, if/when you read this the red-letter passages are the ones where Taruskin says stuff that I think overlaps with some ideas I've seen you discussing at your blog):

http://themusicsalon.blogspot.com/2020/03/there-is-no-hope-for-art.html

I'm reading Richard Taruskin's newest collection of essays, just published a few days ago. One of the largest pieces in the book is the one titled "Is There a Baby in the Bathwater? On aesthetic autonomy" from which this passage is taken:

To single out as “music worthy of human beings” a music that is inaccessible to all but an infinitesimal, self-congratulating, and possibly mendacious fraction of actual humans seems to me no different from claiming that only the tiny fraction that possess the right bloodlines, or the right class affiliation, or the right racial or religious heritage, are fully human. If this is the use to which the doctrine of aesthetic autonomy is to be put, then the baby has drowned and it might as well be thrown out with the bathwater. 
For if the grim history of the twentieth century has not discredited the idea of redemptive high culture and undermined the authority of its adherents, then there is no hope at all for art.
Taruskin, Richard. Cursed Questions . University of California Press. Kindle Edition.
He is quoting Theodor Adorno and this passage comes in the last section of the very long essay. The music referred to is that of Arnold Schoenberg. Despite the fact that he has built up to this with a meticulous discussion of many examples from many perspectives it feels as if, finally, he has thrown out at least part of the baby! The question is, is art truly autonomous, floating like a fragrant cloud over the messy reality that it offers an alternative to? Or is it possible for a fine art like contemporary classical music to be an active and non-hypocritical agent in the world? In an earlier section that I have to quote at some length Taruskin notes that:
The ideal of aesthetic autonomy at its pinnacle of purity, by fostering a now-discredited and hopelessly academicized avant-garde, has contributed heavily to the social and cultural marginalization of music as a serious fine art. A tragicomic example of that marginalization comes by way of the Pulitzer Prize, one of the most prestigious awards an artist or scholar can earn in America. (And it is also a stunning example of the independence of cultural capital from monetary, because the Pulitzer purse is negligible.) The annual prize recipients in fiction, history, biography, and drama, even (sometimes) poetry, are almost always figures of interest to the public at large. Those awards are publicly debated; sides are taken; approval and disapproval are vehemently aired. The prize in music, until very recently, traditionally went to somebody the general music public had never heard of (often enough to somebody I’d never heard of), and nobody ever cared who won it, except jealous fellow-professionals. 
And then even the professionals began to despise it. When the composer John Adams won it in 2003 for his 9/11 memorial On the Transmigration of Souls, he expressed what one critic called “ambivalence bordering on contempt.” To another he wrote, as if paraphrasing my own judgment, that “among musicians that I know, the Pulitzer has over the years lost much of the prestige it still carries in other fields like literature and journalism,” for “anyone perusing the list of past winners cannot help noticing that many if not most of the country’s greatest musical minds are conspicuously missing, . . . passed over year after year, often in favor of academy composers who have won a disproportionate number of prizes.” With the award of the prize in 2018 to the rapper Kendrick Lamar, about whom a large public certainly does care, the Pulitzer judges have come around to recognizing the meaninglessness of their habitual public recognition of artists without a public. The decision was widely viewed as an attempt to make amends. Can the prize now ever go again to composers of contemporary “classical” music? Or has their marginalization been effectively pronounced hopeless?
Taruskin, Richard. Cursed Questions . University of California Press. Kindle Edition.

The recently departed African American composer George Walker (whose piano sonatas I commend to you, dear reader, whoever you are) once observed of the Pulitzer that he won that it didn't actually do him any good.  It didn't help him land any new commissions for new compositions or even more performances for any of his existing works.  He stopped short of saying the prize itself had become a worthless joke but here, we see, that where Walker as a professional composer and musician may have stopped short of saying what he thought the reality of the prize was, Richard Taruskin has called it like he sees it, to use an American colloquialism.

Bryan Townsend stopped his quote I just referenced at the word "hopeless", and if you're reading the Kindle version as we both are the quote starts at location 2753; but to get the full lacerating observational humor of Taruskin's observation we need to add a passage from the immediately following paragraph that starts at location 2771:


from locations 2753 through 2782
The ideal of aesthetic autonomy at its pinnacle of purity, by fostering a now-discredited and hopelessly academicized avant-garde, has contributed heavily to the social and cultural marginalization of music as a serious fine art. A tragicomic example of that marginalization comes by way of the Pulitzer Prize, one of the most prestigious awards an artist or scholar can earn in America. (And it is also a stunning example of the independence of cultural capital from monetary, because the Pulitzer purse is negligible.) [emphasis added] The annual prize recipients in fiction, history, biography, and drama, even (sometimes) poetry, are almost always figures of interest to the public at large. Those awards are publicly debated; sides are taken; approval and disapproval are vehemently aired. The prize in music, until very recently, traditionally went to somebody the general music public had never heard of (often enough to somebody I’d never heard of) [Taruskin's italics are his], and nobody ever cared who won it, except jealous fellow-professionals. 

And then even the professionals began to despise it. When the composer John Adams won it in 2003 for his 9/11 memorial On the Transmigration of Souls, he expressed what one critic called “ambivalence bordering on contempt.” To another he wrote, as if paraphrasing my own judgment, that “among musicians that I know, the Pulitzer has over the years lost much of the prestige it still carries in other fields like literature and journalism,” for “anyone perusing the list of past winners cannot help noticing that many if not most of the country’s greatest musical minds are conspicuously missing, . . . passed over year after year, often in favor of academy composers who have won a disproportionate number of prizes.” With the award of the prize in 2018 to the rapper Kendrick Lamar, about whom a large public certainly does care, the Pulitzer judges have come around to recognizing the meaninglessness of their habitual public recognition of artists without a public. The decision was widely viewed as an attempt to make amends. Can the prize now ever go again to composers of contemporary “classical” music? Or has their marginalization been effectively pronounced hopeless? [emphasis added]

If so, the doctrine of aesthetic autonomy has claimed a large class of victims. One of them, Charles Wuorinen (who won the prize in 1970) cried out in pain that awarding it to Kendrick Lamar signaled "the final disappearance of any societal interest in high culture." His bitterness is understandable, but he has forgotten whose back was turned first. [emphases added] Half a century ago the musical press was full of proudly defiant calls like Milton Babbitt's for "total, resolute, and voluntary withdrawal" into the ivory tower, through which, Babbitt promised, "the composer would do himself and his music an immediate and eventual service." The actual consequence of defection and disaffection in the name of aesthetic autonomy has been public indifference and professional demoralization. What the Germans call "serious music" (ernste Musik) has simply stopped mattering to the art-consuming public in America, and I am skeptical as to whether the situation is really so different in Europe, where lingering state support has masked the immediate effects of what in America has been a catastrophic fall.  As Pieter van der Merwe, a South African music historian, puts it with particularly strong but certainly not misplaced emphasis, "for the general public, `classical music' belongs mainly to the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, carries on with rapidly diminishing vigor into the first few decades of the twentieth, and has ceased to exist by 1950."
...
"but he has forgotten whose back was turned first" sums up Taruskin's point pretty sharply. As I have been incubating a not so little survey of ragtime as popular and would-be concert music with reference to Adorno and reference to arguments for and against ragtime Taruskin's fusilades against aesthetic autonomy are consistently interesting to me because what he seems to believe he is pointing out is the obvious that the professionals in music history, music composition and music performance in what he has called the Western literate musical tradition have been refusing to see and have refused to see on the basis of ideologies he has set himself up against for more or less his whole academic career and into his retirement

I've read Taruskin enough over the last fifteen years to have a pretty good sense that on the topic of a Romantic and post-Romantic assertion of the aesthetic autonomy of the arts in general and high art in particular that Taruskin's answer to the question of whether there is a baby in the bath water is that, basically, no, there isn't.  We cannot ultimately disentangle the aesthetic considerations of art works from those social, economic and political and ritual aspects of reception history through which works come to our attention.  To put it in musical terms, the extramusical associations through which music can receive meaning from "us" as individuals and as grous are inextricable from the music we listen to that we then admire or reject. 

Taruskin has made a career of writing about classical music and whether it always comes across in his academic writing he likes music.  What can be tempting, perhaps, for those who have some commitment to the notion that aesthetic autonomy and some kind of art that "elevates" people, is to suspect or believe Taruskin is arguing against the validity of art in general and of music as an art.  Taruskin has, I think, pretty clearly argued no such thing.

But Taruskin can, in his passion, make some claims that I am not always sure can be backed up.  Rather he invokes a short passage as representative of an invidious and mendacious position by his estimate (and at this point gently sending up Taruskin's invidiously prolix use of invidious can't be a thing only I have noticed about his word choices) that he takes as representative of something wrong in philosophy or the academy.  Take his comments about one Jim Samson's reliance on George Steiner:

From Taruskin:
from locations 3044 through 350

[Jim] Samson might have gotten over his susceptibility to Steiner had he read the same author's In Bluebird's Castle, which begins with a pretense of contrition at "the failure of the humanities to humanize" the art-loving perpetrators of the Holocaust, only to recover a fanatically hypocritical complacency when Steiner takes his own expressions of remorse as evidence of the supremacy not only of Western culture but of Western morality as well. "What other races have turned in penitence to those whom they once enslaved?" he asks, in a dreadful parody of Samson's paean to the unique flowering of Western genius. "What other civilizations have morally indicted the brilliance of their own past?" Contemplation of the depths of moral obtuseness to which our refined barbarism, teh worship of autonomous art, can descend may dissuade us from thinking we need to carry such a thing into our scholarly work. I certainly hope it will.


It's interesting how much Taruskin weighs in on George Steiner's self-congratulatory penitential stance in relationship to Western culture as a self-selected evidence for the innate superiority of Western culture and morality since John Borstlap came to more or less the opposite conclusion.

https://wenatcheethehatchet.blogspot.com/2018/08/george-steiners-in-bluebirds-castle.html
The Classical Revolution: Thoughts on New Music in the 21st Century
revised and expanded edition
John Borstlap
Dover Publications
Copyright (c) 2013, 2017 by John Borstlap
ISBN 9780486814483
ISBN 0486814483

page 145
... This book is an attempt at a broad analysis of the cultural erosion of the last century by an erudite philosopher--first confirming that the twentieth-century angst is justified and that much which was a precious treasure has been lost, then encouraging us to surrender to modernity and try to make the best of it. Steiner tries to make credible the idea that the Holocaust is the logical and inevitable result of structural evil at the heart of European civilization, instead of the usual incapacity of man to live up to his own ideals, implicitly blaming the spirit that created high culture for the crimes committed by people who were too primitive to understand it. The book unintentionally offers an apt explanation of the deeper motivation of postwar modernism: the abhorrence of our inherited culture.

Borstlap mentions Steiner in passing, which is even less an act of citation and quotation than what Taruskin has done, but having read the George Steiner book for myself I wonder whether either polemicist has necessarily represented a very nuanced or even accurately detailed take on Steiner's work.  I think Taruskin was right to detect the self-congratulatory aspect but the larger scope of that stance is easier to see with a significantly larger quote from Steiner than Taruskin provided.

In Bluebird's Castle: Notes Toward the Redefinition of Culture
George Steiner
Yale University Press
September 10, 1974
154 pages, 5 x 8
ISBN: 9780300017106

pages 64-65
But however accusingly, with whatever penitential hysteria, the argument is put, the fact of Western dominance during two and a half millennia remains largely true. Pace Joseph Needham, whose reorientation of the cultural and scientific map in favor of China and, possibly, India, is itself among the most fascinating, imaginative of modern Western intellectual adventures, the manifest centers of philosophic, scientific, poetic force have been situated within the Mediterranean, north European, Anglo-Saxon racial and geographic matrix. The causes for this hegemony are obviously manifold and, very likely, too complexly interactive for any single intelligence or theory of history to analyze. They may range from considerations of climate and nutrition (the high levels of protein available to Western communities ), the whole way to those minute collocations of genetic inheritance and accident about whose shaping role in history we know so little. But it remains a truism-or ought t􀊍that the world of Plato is not that of the shamans, that Galilean and Newtonian physics have made a major portion of human reality articulate to the mind, that the inventions of Mozart reach beyond drum-taps and Javanese bells-moving, heavy with remembrance of other dreams as these are. And it is true also that the very posture of self-indictment, of remorse in which much of educated Western sensibility now finds itself, is again a culturally specific phenomenon. What other races have turned in penitence to those whom they once enslaved, what other civilizations have morally indicted the brilliance of their own past? The reflex of self-scrutiny in the name of ethical absolutes is, once more, a characteristically Western, post-Voltairian act.

Even Western guilt over Western imperialism is part and parcel of the greatness of the Western cultural legacy.  But Taruskin omits altogether what Steiner went so far as to present as the guiding thesis of his lectures that became the book In Bluebird's Castle:
page 34

Yet in approaching the theme I find Eliot's insistence on the religious character of genuine civilization, and his "conception of culture and religion as being, when each term is taken in the right context, different aspects of the same thing," largely persuasive. It seems to me incontrovertible that the holocaust must be set in the framework of the psychology of religion, and that an understanding of this framework is vital to an argument on culture.


This is a minority view. Understandably, in an effort to make this insane material susceptible and bearable to reason, sociologists, economists, political scientists have striven to locate the topic in a rational, secular grid. They have investigated the opportunistic sources of Nazi racial theories; the long tradition of petit-bourgeois resentment against a seemingly aloof, prospering minority. They have pointed, rightly, to the psychological, symbolic links between inflationary collapse and the historical associations of Jewry and the money market. There have been penetrating studies of the imperfect, perhaps overhasty assimilation of secularized Jews into the gentile community, an assimilation which produced much of the intellectual genius of modern Europe but also, particularly in Germany, took on the guise of a complex love-hate. Social historians have shown how numerous were the signs of developing hysteria between the Dreyfus affair and the " final solution ." Deliberate poisons had been let loose. It has been argued, cogently, that there is an ultimately rational, albeit murderous, motive behind Nazi and Stalinist anti-Semitism: an attempt to get rid of a minority whose inheritance and whose style of feeling make of it a natural milieu for opposition, for potential

subversion.


page 36
We are not, I believe, dealing with some monstrous accident in modern social history. The holocaust was not the result of merely individual pathology or of the neuroses of one nation-state. Indeed, competent observers expected the cancer to spread first, and most virulently, in France. We are not-and this is often misunderstood-considering something truly analogous to other cases of massacre, to the murder of the Gypsies or, earlier, of the Armenians. There are parallels in technique and in the idiom of hatred. But not ontologically, not at the level of philosophic intent.  That intent takes us to the heart of certain instabilities in the fabric of Western culture, in the relations between instinctual and religious life. Hitler's jibe that "conscience is a Jewish invention" provides a clue.

page 39

Historically, the requirements of absolute monotheism proved all but intolerable. The Old Testament is a record of mutiny, of spasmodic but repeated reversions to the old gods, whom the hand can touch and the imagination house. Pauline Christianity found a useful solution. While retaining something of the idiom and centralized symbolic lineaments of monotheism, it allowed scope for the pluralistic, pictorial needs of the psyche. Be it in their Trinitarian aspects, in their proliferation of saintly and angelic persons, or in their vividly material realization of God the Father, of Christ, of Mary, the Christian churches have, with very rare exceptions, been a hybrid of monotheistic ideals and polytheistic practices. That has been their suppleness and syncretic strength. The single, unimaginable-rigorously speaking, "unthinkable"-God of the Decalogue has nothing to do with the threefold, thoroughly visualized pantheon of the churches.

But that God, blank as the desert air, would not rest. ...

pages 44-45


Monotheism at Sinai, primitive Christianity, messianic socialism : these are the three supreme moments in which Western culture is presented with what Ibsen termed "the claims of the ideal." These are the three stages, profoundly interrelated, through which Western consciousness is forced to experience the blackmail of transcendence. "Surmount yourself. Surpass the opaque barriers of the mind to attain pure abstraction. Lose your life in order to gain it'. Give up property, rank, worldly comfort. Love your neighbor as you do yourself-no, much more, for self-love is sin. Make any sacrifice, endure any insult, even self-denunciation, so that justice may prevail." Unceasingly, the blackmail of perfection has hammered at the confused, mundane, egotistical fabric of common, instinctual behavior. Like a shrilling note in the inner ear. Men are neither saints nor ascetics; their imaginings are gross; ordinarily, their sense of the future is the next milestone. But the insistence of the ideal continued, with a terrible, tactless force.


For those who have not read Steiner's book the over-arching thesis he proposed, building upon a precedent proposed by T. S. Eliot, was that the crises in Europe constituted crises in civilizational views.  Steiner put it more explicitly by saying that the Holocaust could be seen as the culmination of a centuries long tension between the pagan and Abrahamic religious impulses and ideas that had cumulatively shaped the Western cultural legacies.  He recognized the position as a minority position at the time he propounded the idea in the 1970s and it may possibly signal how minority a position in academics it has remained since that in reacting to Steiner's lectures-made-book neither John Borstlap nor Richard Taruskin thought enough of the thesis to even regard it as the actual stated thesis of the lectures.

If Taruskin regards such a thesis by Steiner as being at the level that is "not even wrong" as the expression goes, that's his prerogative, but it does seem as though in singling out Steiner for embodying a perniciously self-congratulatory stance of aesthetic autonomy in the Western arts that he didn't do much to engage with Steiner in more depth because, well, let me quote Steiner at length on the topic of the Western arts traditions as, in Steiner's wording, a gamble on attaining a kind of immortality via art and whether all high art is inextricably enmeshed with social injustice.  It is actually here, and not in the passage Taruskin quoted so briefly, that a confession of the basic elitism of Western high art is more directly stated and also justified:


pages 87-89

The question as to whether a high culture is not inevitably meshed with social injustice can be answered. It is not difficult to formulate an apologia for civilization based firmly and without cant on a model of history as privilege, as hierarchic order. One can say simply that the accomplishments of art, of speculative imagining, of the mathematical and empirical sciences have been, are, will be, to an overwhelming extent, the creation of the gifted few. In the perspective of the evolution of the species towards an even more complete enlistment of the potentialities of the cortex -and the sum of history may be precisely that-it is vital to preserve the kind of political system in which high gifts are recognized and afforded the pressures under which they flourish. The existence of a Plato, of a Karl Friedrich Gauss, of a Mozart may go a surprisingly long way towards redeeming that of man. The immense majority of human biographies are a gray transit between domestic spasm and oblivion. For a truly cultured sensibility to deny this, under pretexts of liberal piety, is not only mendacious but rank ingratitude. [emphasis added] A culture "lived" is one that draws for continuous, indispensable sustenance on the great works of the past, on the truths and beauties achieved in the tradition.  It does not reckon against them the social harshness, the personal suffering, which so often have generated or made possible the symphony, the fresco, the metaphysic. Where it is absolutely honest, the doctrine of a high culture will hold the burning of a great library, the destruction of Galois at twenty-one, or the disappearance of an important score, to be losses paradoxically but none the less decidedly out of proportion with common deaths, even on a large scale.

This is a coherent position. It may accord with deep-seated biological realities. For perfectly obvious reasons, however, it is a position which few today are ready to put forward publicly or with conviction. It flies too drastically  in the face of doubts about culture which we have seen to be justified. It is too crassly out of tune with pervasive ideals of humane respect and social concern. There is something histrionic and psychologically suspect even in the bare exercise of stating an elitist canon.

But it is important to see just why this is so. [emphasis added] Using the terms I have indicated, and made with complete honesty, a contemporary defense of culture as "a way of life" will nevertheless have a void at its center. To argue for order and classic values on a purely immanent, secular basis is, finally, implausible. In stressing this point Eliot is justified, and the Notes towards the Definition of Culture remain valid. But if the core of a theory of culture is "religious," that term ought not to be taken, as it so largely was by Eliot, in a particular sectarian sense. If only because of its highly ambiguous implication in the holocaust, Christianity  cannot serve as the focus of a redefinition of culture, and Eliot's nostalgia for Christian discipline is now the most vulnerable aspect of his argument. I mean "religious" in a particular and more ancient sense. What is central to a true culture is a certain view of the relations between time and individual death.

The thrust of will which engenders art and disinterested thought, the engaged response which alone can ensure its transmission to other human beings, to the future, are rooted in a gamble on transcendence. The writer or thinker means the words of the poem, the sinews of the argument, the personae of the drama, to outlast his own life, to take on the mystery of autonomous presence and presentness.  The sculptor commits to the stone the vitalities against and across time which will soon drain from his own living hand. Art and mind address those who are not yet, even at the risk, deliberately incurred, of being unnoticed by the living.

There is nothing natural, nothing self-evident in this wager against mortality, against the common, unharried.promises of life. In the overwhelming majority of cases and the gambler on transcendence knows this in advance the attempt will be a failure, nothing will survive. There may be a cancerous mania in the mere notion of producing great art or philosophic shapes-acts, by definition, free of utility and immediate reward. ...

page 91

... Can civilization as we know it be underwritten by an immanent view of personal and social reality? Can it be vital without a logic of relation between "the divinity that is busy within my mind" and the hunger for a "glory that would rise higher hereafter" ? And it is precisely that logic, with its inference of active afterlife in and through artistic, intellectual creation, which is "religious." [emphasis added]

This logic and its idiom are now eroded. The notion, axiomatic in classic art and thought, of sacrificing present life, present humanity, to the marginal chance of future literary or intellectual renown, grates on modern nerves. To younger people today, the code of "glory" of intellect and creative act is highly suspect. Many would see in it no more than romantic bathos or a disguised perpetuation of elitist idols. There are currently, particularly in the United States, some fashionable, silly theories about total revolutions of consciousness.  ...

Can the arts function separate from a post-Wagnerian art religion?  Is it possible for Western art as it has been known and taught in academic contexts to flourish in spite of explicitly rejecting all forms of the assertion that through art mere flesh and blood that has no immortal soul can somehow mysteriously live in as preserved memory in the form of art?  Someone like George Rochberg would probably answer that question with an emphatic "no".  Steiner mentioned that high art as a bid toward immortality as defined by the artist and by artistic reception history is essentially a religious impulse and logic.  If that logic should be false then art has to be reoriented toward a more immanent view of personal and social reality.

Taruskin was, perhaps, so busy imputing to Steiner the vices he sees in the academy he has worked in he may not have seen that what Steiner was saying (and writing) was more ambivalent and ambiguous than the way Taruskin has read him.  The Western cultural elitism was granted with one hand but the other hand put forth the notion that the Western concept of the arts as a form of immorality that was not a recent invention of the Romantics and the Romantic era thinkers but an idea going as far back as Pindaric odes, and Taruskin seems to have fixated just on the elitist concession and not that more substantial stretch of Steiner's lectures in which he proposed that the bid within the arts toward an immortality in the art object could be, depending on your perspective, the more Greco-Roman pagan view than what Christians advocated for.  Taruskin himself noted in a few places in what he calls The Ox (his Oxford History of Western Music) that early Christian liturgical music was completely anonymous.  We don't know who wrote the chants in many cases and prizing the individual author was not really particularly important in what we'd now call medieval Christendom.

Steiner went so far as to mention that the advances in science and medical technology developed by the West have allowed more people to live longer and healthier lives but with the price of apparently imperiling the long-term ecological viability of precisely the kind of lifestyles that Western innovations have made so easy and accessible to the kinds of people who can, for instance, consider his lectures.  It wasn't said very directly but it's also easy to observe if you've actually read Steiner's work In Bluebird's Castle.

There's a paradox or, if we want to write about Taruskin in the way he is willing to write about others, a festering hypocrisy in someone like Richard Taruskin holding forth about the hypocrisy of advocates of Western aesthetic autonomy and post-Romantic art religion and it is not necessarily because I advocate for aesthetic autonomy as such.  The hypocrisy is in the reality of Richard Taruskin being the kind of academic whose entire career has depended upon being able to interrogate the canonisms he writes about and the canons he considers.

I'm not saying he saws off the branch he is sitting on, I'm suggesting that there are some matters where Taruskin is more content to shoot the fish he imagines are in the barrel when he could, as I think I have managed to demonstrate with extravagant selections from Steiner, engage more seriously and in more detail with what the writers he disagrees with actually were saying instead of doing, as I think he does with Steiner, not much more than including a couple of zingers about how bad this person is.  It's fine to disagree with Steiner's thesis that the Holocaust was the culmination of a battle between the cultural and intellectual legacies of the Greco-Roman polytheistic and the Abrahamic religions and come up with arguments for why that's wrong, but what Taruskin (and Borstlap) both do instead is transform Steiner's thesis into either a defense of or an attack on the Western cultural and artistic legacy as formulated (by both Taruskin and Borstlap in terms of their arguments!) by their own specific polemical interests.

Take this tossed off passage from Taruskin about Haydn's oratorios starting at location 2168 in Cursed Questions:
... The God depicted in Haydn's oratorios is the God of the Deists, the benign creator God who, in The Creation, puts exultant man in charge of His creation; and that happy pantheism achieves its apotheosis in The Seasons. There is no more exultant moment in all of music than the moment when, out of the mysterious sonic mists of the initial "Representation of Chaos" (Haydn's one deliberate attempt to, in Schroeder's words, "supersede intelligibility") the blinding flash (transformed into the deafening blast of C major that Mme de Stael found so remarkable) announces the primeval dawn; and thereafter the story of creation, and of Adam and Eve, is all sweetness and light; no fall, no expulsion, no need, therefore, for redemption.

Right.  Because an oratorio with a libretto legendarily at least partly indebted to Milton's Paradise Lost doesn't get to The Fall because, as Taruskin cheerfully tells us, there isn't one in Haydn's Deist oratorio.

That Taruskin, in his chapter on Haydn, seems happy to imply that Haydn was some kind of pantheistic Deist of the enlightened liberal type rather than a Catholic who, in Matthew Riley's recent monograph on Haydn's minor-key symphonies, was pragmatically and inventively developing the minor key symphony not out of a frustrated love life but in response to the simultaneous continued demand for his music and Lenten constraints on what music was permissable in public and private spaces within the context of the very Catholic Holy Roman Empire. For a man who makes a point of saying that music historians should stick to the history they can defend and not go out on limbs in which what they wish were the case is transformed into what was I wonder ... a little ... whether Taruskin's vaguely pantheistic Deist Haydn would line up with the Haydn historians have chronicled.

But Taruskin's climactic salvo against aesthetic autonomy focuses on the target that anyone who has read Taruskin over the last twenty years knew was coming, Theodor Adorno.

So let me get back to "Is There a Baby in the Bath Water?"
location 3104 in Cursed Questions

Finally, I would like to turn very briefly to the most extreme manifestation of the autonomy principle in twentieth-century music and philosophy, namely T. W. Adorno's assertion of the autonomy principle as resistance. It will not surprise you that I consider this seemingly most redemptive turn to be the ultimate hypocrisy, and the ultimate, lethal pollution of our poor baby's bathwater.  

location 3110

That sentiment of resistance, of dissatisfaction with a status quo to which we have not been reconciled, however ineffectual it may prove to be, is nevertheless our most palpable and precious evidence of our autonomy. This is what Adorno valued most highly in Schoenberg, whose music violated every musical norm that was assumed to represent or embody the "nature" of sound, and thus in its very arbitrariness represented or embodied a subjectivity that had been liberated from dogma--that had "dared to know."The music of Schoenberg and his Viennese pupils was in this sense the most autonomous and resistant music of its time, and therein lay the reason for Adorno's unquenchable faith in it, despite--nay, precisely because of--the microscopic extent of its presence within modernity's commercialized and commodified cultural scene. However ineffectual its social impact, such music did at least give evidence that better alternatives existed. Hence, too, Adorno's assignment of the highest ethical value to what seems the most insularly professional aspect of a music whose appeal has notoriously been chiefly, if not entirely, to professionals; that is, its technical structure rather than its emotional appeal or its overt or implicit social messages, whatever they might be. Even--or especially--in his analysis of musical composition, in the opening chapter of his Introduction to the Sociology of Music, Adorno privileges the "structural" listener over the "emotional" listener, precisely because the latter is more susceptible to manipulation by the culture industry.  The fashioning of a forbiddingly (if not altogether hermetically) complex structure, in this view, becomes an act of political and moral heroism. It is what Adorno explicitly called "autonomous composition."

Astonishingly, Taruskin doesn't quote Adorno on the distinctions between "structural" listeners and "emotional" listeners to demonstrate how in Adorno's taxonomy the former include German men and the latter category tends to include women and Slavs.  If Taruskin really wanted to hammer the point of how Adorno's ideas traded on biases regarding sex and ethnicity he could have done this, although I'm working through Eric Oberle's recent monograph on Adorno in which Oberle points out that Adorno was aghast to discover how racist his rants against jazz were taken to be since articulating racist arguments was not actually his intent, but that's been an albatross on the neck of Adorno and Adorno scholarship for generations now that I don't really want to linger on.  Moving along, Taruskin quotes an essay from Adorno that was originally published in English we can find starting at location 3142:

[Adorno quote] 
Humanistic philosophy permeates Beethoven's whole work and determines even the most sublte details of his musicianship. The lack of experience of this humanistic spirit--and here I mean experience in a deeper sense than the listening over the air to some standard performance of a standard work--reflects, viewed in broad social terms, a vacuum ready to absorb the arbitrarily superimposed doctrines of totalitarianism. The German boy of our age who has no longer heard, as his father might have, the Kreutzer Sonata played by friends of his parents, and who never listened passionately and surreptitiously when he was supposed to go to bed, does not merely miss a piece of information or something which might be recognized as being education. The fact that he has never been swept away emotionally by the tragic forces of this music bereaves him somehow of the very life phenomenon of the humane. It is this lack of experience of the imagery of real art, partly substituted and parodied by the readymade stereotypes of the amusement industry, which is at least one of the formative elements of that cynicism that has finally transformed the Germans, Beethoven's own people, into Hitler's own people.

[Taruskin]
Need I spell out all the points that make this passage so deeply offensive?  The ethnocentrism, the class prejudice, the making of himself--for surely this is a nostalgic memoir of little Teddie in his beddie--the measure of all things? Or, above all, the traditional German nationalism--German art being the bearer of the universal "life phenomenon of the humane"--that jars so against the author's fancied opposition to another, less traditional, outcropping of German nationalism?  Are we not tired of hearing that only those who respond to Beethoven are fully human?  Do we still believe that no Nazi could have responded to Beethoven that way?  Did Karajan stop being "musical" the day he joined the Nazi party?  Did Karl Bohm lose his feeling for Beethoven on the day he accepted the offer to slave labor?

and starting at location 3184
... as long as we still cling to the mythology of aesthetic autonomy, we have not put the revolting snobbery of Adorno's conclusion behind us.  To single out as "music worthy of human beings" a music that is inaccessible to all but an infinitesimal, self-congratulating, and possibly mendacious fraction of actual human beings seems to me no different from claiming that only the tiny fraction that possess the right bloodlines, or the right class affiliation, or the right racial or religious heritage, are fully human.  If this is the use to which the doctrine of aesthetic autonomy is to be put, then the baby has drowned and it might as well be thrown out with the bath water.

For if the grim history of the twentieth century has not discredited the idea of redemptive high culture and undermined the authority of its adherents, then there is no hope at all for art.  George Steiner, one such adherent, after a life time devoted (in his words) to "the worship--the word is hardly exaggerated--of the classic" and to the propagation of the faith, found himself baffled by the example of the culture-loving Germans of the mid-twentieth century, "who sang Schubert in the evening and tortured in the orning." "I'm going to the end of my life," he confessed unhappily, "haunted more and more by the question `Why did the humanities not humanize?' I don't have answer."  But that is because the question--being the product of naive idealism and the cult of aesthetic autonomy--was the wrong question. It is all too obvious by now that teaching people that their love of Schubert makes them better people teaches them nothing more than self-regard, and inspires attitudes that are the very opposite of humane. Can't we find better reasons to cherish art?

Adorno, for all his fulmination against the culture industry and bourgeois art religion, may have just found a Marxist-Freudian way of reinventing bourgeois post-Wagnerian German art religion in a form he could live with rather than actually rejecting it.

What Taruskin sidesteps in his new set of essays in inveighing against the negative effects of the Romantic era is that whatever the Romantic were reacting to in the Enlightenment is not necessarily "off the hook" because Taruskin thinks that Romantics came up with disastrously wrong answers to the questions they posed about the human condition.  To put it in the technocratic jargon of Daniel Kahneman's book Thinking Fast and Slow, the Romantics wanted art to appeal viscerally to "System 1" thinking, where emotion and symbolic association took place.  They prized "System 2" thinking, logical, sequential, technical thought but that was supposed to be the reward of discovery to those who dove into the waters of the achievements of artistic genius, the domain that Leonard B. Meyer described as the realm and ideology of "elite egalitarians".  Taruskin has every right to regard the Romantic legacy as having devolved too far into an "elite" that professes egalitarian sentiments as merely a formal dogma while scoffing at those unwashed masses who can't appreciate the beauty of the art they prize in their elite status.  I happen to also admire Haydn's clarity of form and expression and his commitment to creating art that could be simultaneously popular and populist in its aims while not casting off what Haydn referred to as "the rules of Art".

Yet as John Gray put it in Seven Types of Atheism, the Enlightenment is more of a mixed bag than its fans may readily concede and the egalitarian impulses in the Enlightenment were, to put it crudely, parasitically dependent on egalitarian impulses inherited in the Western traditions from the Abrahamic religions, Christianity particularly but also Judaism.  Or as the Swiss Protestant theologian Emil Brunner put it, the Western cultural legacy was a mixture of Jewish legal traditions, Greek philosophy, Roman Stoicism and political traditions, as well as Christian theological and contemplative traditions, all four being necessary components for what came to be "the West" in the last two millenia.  To keep Brunner's arguments exceedingly short, he proposed that that quadralateral begin to crumble and that, for instance, groups in Europe had returned to old gods of blood and sex and power and that the traditions of common law jurisprudence began to get rejected by European thinkers who favored the idea that individuals only had rights if and when the state decided said individuals had rights.

That the rights of man, as the old phrase had it, began to develop in the Enlightenment can be agreed upon without forgetting for a moment that those who were formulating the rights of man may have thought nothing about denying those rights to, say, aboriginal groups in the North American continent, particularly when contrasting conceptions of property and land use were at stake.  Taruskin's Jewish background understandably informs his moral appraisals of German art religion and with my mixed lineage of Pacific Northwestern Native American Calvinists and white Arminians of Okie stock I've got a different perspective on the overal legacy of the Enlightenment as Americans tried to apply it in political practice.  It's not so clear to me that an alternative to the vices of the Romantic era ideologies would be to go "back' to the Enlightenment.  David P Roberts, in his trilogy of books on the problems in Adorno's aesthetic theory, went so far as to say that disconnecting the twin legacies of Enlightenment and Romanticism can lead people to forget that both giant streams of thought are still characteristic of the modern era.  I've managed to read enough conservative  or  reactionary Catholic and Protestant authors in the last twenty years to know that that observation would be a small "duh" to them.

Taruskin doesn't put it this explicitly but the crisis of post-Wagnerian art religion that emerged not simply in the wake of the Holocaust but in the post-Weinsten #metoo era can be thought of as a Donatist controversy for Western art religion.  I've suggested as much, and while I suspect Taruskin would suggest we need to abandon the Matthew Arnold style and Richard Wagner style art-religion as a moral, social, aesthetic and political failure, which I'm more than happy to do since I've not subscribed to that view, Taruskin wants to have his cake and eat it, too.  He wants to pose the dangers of the "Big Questions" in terms of those who have insisted on selling to or imposing on the world what they regard as the Big Answer(s).

In Christian traditions the notion that humanity has no stain of sin or inclination to sin (there are Christian schools of thought that don't affirm Original Sin in the post-Augustinian formulation) would be the idea that presaged the Romantic ideologies of art as divine and art as a kind of secularized process of theosis in a pantheistic or panentheistic art religion.  In contemporary scholarship I admit to reservations that the "minimalist" school that proposes the Tanakh was more or less fabricated during the Persian exilic period and was a set of competing scribal traditions doing battle over legitimacy within an exilic context by fabricating narratives could embody a new variation on an anti-Judaic set of polemics that have percolated in Western scholarship since, well, 18th and 19th century Germans.  The beginning of liberal turns in theology and biblical studies began during the Enlightenment, not the Romantic era, although the 19th century introduced new variations on 18th century ideas.

It might be precisely at this point that Taruskin, having spent his career telling other people they can't have it both ways, can't have it both ways himself with the deistic Haydn of The Creation, as if Enlightenment were the abandoned cure for what Romanticism ultimately wrought.  Maybe the Enlightenment brought a lot of benefits to Jews in western Europe but that's not necessarily to say that the Enlightenment as a geopolitical range of ideas applied to colonial expansion in the Americas, Africa and Europe was all that broadly beneficial for "them".  Taruskin may be right to object to the chauvinism of Adorno's Germanophile art religion but whether or not Taruskin himself can't be accused of an American chauvinism even in the midst of rejecting the German form of art religion, is not a sure thing.  Sometimes people object most strenuously to the vices of others that they most possess themselves.